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NEDERLANDS | ENGLISH
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13 February 2006 |
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Waarheid bij oorlog Irak wordt langzaam duidelijk - 2
Door Daan de Wit Terwijl Nederland naar Afghanistan vertrekt en een oorlog met Iran wordt voorbereid, brokkelt de argumentatie voor de Irakoorlog verder af. Dit artikel is een follow up van deel 1, dat bijna een jaar geleden verscheen. In dit artikel staan 3 nieuwe voorbeelden van bedrog centraal. 4. The Times schrijft over een false flag operatie waarover de Amerikaanse president George Bush aan het nadenken was: 'PRESIDENT BUSH had plans to lure Saddam Hussein into war by flying an aircraft over Iraq painted in UN colours in the hope he would shoot it down, a book reveals. Mr Bush told Tony Blair of the extraordinary plan during a meeting in the White House on January 31, 2003, six weeks before the war started [...]. “The US was thinking of flying U2 reconnaissance aircraft with fighter cover over Iraq, painted in UN colours. If Saddam fired on them, he would be in breach,” the book reports Mr Bush telling Mr Blair at the meeting.' De krant refereert aan de update van het door DaanSpeak eerder aangehaalde boek Lawless World van Phillipe Sands, mensenrechtenadvocaat en professor in de rechten. 'The president [Bush] makes it clear, that there will be war on Saddam regardless whether the U.N. passes a further resolution. The prime minister replies, he is "solidly with the president"', aldus Channel Four News in een nieuwsitem, waarin ook Sands wordt geïnterviewd. Het plan van Bush om een vliegtuig over te schilderen lijkt sterk op een ander plan voor zo'n false-flagoperation, te weten Operation Northwoods, een plan dat mogelijk aan de basis lag voor wat is gebeurd op 11 september 2001. Lees meer over Northwoods in dit artikel van DaanSpeak. Lees over de mogelijkheid van op afstand bestuurde vliegtuigen op 911 in dit DaanSpeak-artikel. 5. In een uitgebreid artikel in Foreign Affairs, het tijdschrift van de Council on Foreign Relations, schrijft de belangrijkste anti-terrorisme-analist van de CIA, Paul R. Pillar, dat 'the administration "went to war without requesting -- and evidently without being influenced by -- any strategic-level intelligence assessments on any aspect of Iraq"', schrijft de Washington Post. '"It has become clear that official intelligence was not relied on in making even the most significant national security decisions, that intelligence was misused publicly to justify decisions already made, that damaging ill will developed between [Bush] policymakers and intelligence officers, and that the intelligence community's own work was politicized," Pillar wrote. [...] Pillar, retired after 28 years at the CIA, was an influential behind-the-scenes player and was considered the agency's leading counterterrorism analyst. By the end of his career, he was responsible for coordinating assessments on Iraq from all 15 agencies in the intelligence community. He is now a professor in security studies at Georgetown University.' The Washington Post: 'Pillar's critique is one of the most severe indictments of White House actions by a former Bush official since Richard C. Clarke, a former National Security Council staff member, went public with his criticism of the administration's handling of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks and its failure to deal with the terrorist threat beforehand.' In zijn artikel beschrijft Pillar '[...] the real problem: intelligence on Iraqi weapons programs did not drive its decision to go to war'. Van dat argument werd slechts handig gebruik gemaakt. Terecht wijst Pillar op het verband met het Tonkin-Golfincident, dat de aanleiding was voor de Vietnamoorlog, waarbij ook moedwillig foutieve geheime-dienstengegevens werden ingezet om in oorlog te kunnen geraken. Lees het artikel over dit onderwerp dat DaanSpeak schreef voor de Humanist. Pillar: 'The administration used intelligence not to inform decision-making, but to justify a decision already made.'' Uit zijn artikel blijkt verder dat naast het Britse Operation Rockingham (zie dit DaanSpeak-artikel) en het Amerikaanse geheime dienstje OSP, het Office of Special Plans van Donald Rumsfeld en Paul Wolfowitz, er nòg zo'n ad hoc opgerichte dienst-binnen-een-dienst is geweest (Lees alles over het OSP onder de kop OSP, de geheime dienst van Rumsfeld en Wolfowitz in dit artikel van DaanSpeak). Pillar: 'The administration's rejection of the intelligence community's judgments became especially clear with the formation of a special Pentagon unit, the Policy Counterterrorism Evaluation Group. The unit, which reported to Undersecretary of Defense Douglas Feith, was dedicated to finding every possible link between Saddam and al Qaeda, and its briefings accused the intelligence community of faulty analysis for failing to see the supposed alliance.' Die link was er niet, ook niet volgens Pillar, maar moest kunnen worden gesuggereerd teneinde het publiek te kunnen misleiden. Toen het kwaad eenmaal was geschied, werd de link door Bush eenvoudigweg ontkend. 6.
De (inmiddels voormalige) stafchef van Dick Cheney en de
veiligheidsaviseur van George Bush, I. 'Scooter' Libby, heeft zijn
'superieuren' aangewezen als degenen die hem toestemming hebben gegeven
een geheim inlichtingenrapport door te geven aan de media, schrijft de LA Times. National Journal weet wie met 'superieuren' wordt bedoeld en schrijft:
'According to sources with firsthand knowledge, Cheney authorized Libby
to release additional classified information, including details of the
NIE, to defend the administration's use of prewar intelligence in
making the case for war.' Journalist Robert Novak publiceerde
vervolgens een artikel waarin hij Valerie Plame ontmaskerde als CIA-agent.
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